man right in the eye. Their arrival fanned mounting frustration with the colonial regime, and this was swiftly translated into political expression. America, it now seemed, might be an option after all.
Although few in number, their impact was profound. The return of these students, fresh with stories of Americaâs relative freedom and modern ways, coincided with an accelerating urgency in the tenor of Kenyan politics. In 1957 the first LEGCO elections open to Africans had introduced a new generation of Kenyan politicians to the scene. They included Mboya; Oginga Odinga of Central Nyanza, a former teacher and president of the Luo Union; Ronald G. Ngala of the Coast, also a former teacher and a member of the Mombasa Municipal Board; and Daniel T. arap Moi, a member of the Kalenjin tribe who was already a LEGCO member representing the Rift Valley. Upon their election, the group of eight immediately formed the African Elected Members Organization (AEMO) and went on the offensive.
Just days before the Kenyan elections, a critical African milestone had been reached after the Gold Coast achieved independence from Great Britain on March 6, 1957. The country was given the African name Ghana, which was chosen to reflect the ancient empire of Ghana that had once covered much of West Africa. Kwame Nkrumah was appointed Prime Minister as he trumpeted that Ghana âour beloved country is free forever.â It was the first sub-Saharan African country to gain independence from colonial rule, and it galvanized countless others across the continent to persevere against their imperial rulers. Coupled with the stirring stories of the students returning from the United States, the Ghanian
triumph inspired the Kenyan nationalists like nothing else. As Mboya wrote to friends in London, âThe battle is on.â 19
AEMO had a short but determined list of demands. Members of the group would not accept any ministerial posts unless the Africans were granted a legislative majority over the European and Asian members. They also wanted a clear articulation of the British governmentâs plans for Kenyaâs future. Although the African representation was subsequently increased to fourteen seats under the Lennox-Boyd Constitution in October 1957, AEMO rejected that as well, opting instead to hold out for a more complete response to their demands.
By 1959 the tide begun to shift in favor of the African nationalists. Determined to move the governmentâs hand, the entire group of African and Asian members of the LEGCO walked out and formed a united front behind the Constituency Elected Members Organization (CEMO). As the tempo of the political debate grew ever more aggressive, the group sent a delegation to London headed by Odinga to demand an immediate end to the Emergency and a release of all veteran political leaders. Although the British government remained noncommittal on some of their demands and refused to discuss Kenyattaâs release, it consented to the need for a constitutional conference. The colonial government, it seemed, was in retreat.
Mboya would normally have been a part of the delegation, but he had earlier accepted an invitation from the American Committee on Africa, which had sponsored his first visit to the United States, to return for an April speaking tour. By not going on the trip to London, Mboya risked the possibility that Odinga, who was clearly emerging as a rival in the bid for national leadership, would benefit politically at home if the discussions were fruitfulâand even if they were not. It was a risk he was willing to take. Being a politician blessed with an astute sense of timing, Mboya seized the moment for a return to the United States.
In April 1959 Mboya made his second visit to the United States, landing in New York to a heroâs welcome. He was by now a figure of immense global popularity, and his first few days in the United States were crammed with speeches, press conferences, and
Although few in number, their impact was profound. The return of these students, fresh with stories of Americaâs relative freedom and modern ways, coincided with an accelerating urgency in the tenor of Kenyan politics. In 1957 the first LEGCO elections open to Africans had introduced a new generation of Kenyan politicians to the scene. They included Mboya; Oginga Odinga of Central Nyanza, a former teacher and president of the Luo Union; Ronald G. Ngala of the Coast, also a former teacher and a member of the Mombasa Municipal Board; and Daniel T. arap Moi, a member of the Kalenjin tribe who was already a LEGCO member representing the Rift Valley. Upon their election, the group of eight immediately formed the African Elected Members Organization (AEMO) and went on the offensive.
Just days before the Kenyan elections, a critical African milestone had been reached after the Gold Coast achieved independence from Great Britain on March 6, 1957. The country was given the African name Ghana, which was chosen to reflect the ancient empire of Ghana that had once covered much of West Africa. Kwame Nkrumah was appointed Prime Minister as he trumpeted that Ghana âour beloved country is free forever.â It was the first sub-Saharan African country to gain independence from colonial rule, and it galvanized countless others across the continent to persevere against their imperial rulers. Coupled with the stirring stories of the students returning from the United States, the Ghanian
triumph inspired the Kenyan nationalists like nothing else. As Mboya wrote to friends in London, âThe battle is on.â 19
AEMO had a short but determined list of demands. Members of the group would not accept any ministerial posts unless the Africans were granted a legislative majority over the European and Asian members. They also wanted a clear articulation of the British governmentâs plans for Kenyaâs future. Although the African representation was subsequently increased to fourteen seats under the Lennox-Boyd Constitution in October 1957, AEMO rejected that as well, opting instead to hold out for a more complete response to their demands.
By 1959 the tide begun to shift in favor of the African nationalists. Determined to move the governmentâs hand, the entire group of African and Asian members of the LEGCO walked out and formed a united front behind the Constituency Elected Members Organization (CEMO). As the tempo of the political debate grew ever more aggressive, the group sent a delegation to London headed by Odinga to demand an immediate end to the Emergency and a release of all veteran political leaders. Although the British government remained noncommittal on some of their demands and refused to discuss Kenyattaâs release, it consented to the need for a constitutional conference. The colonial government, it seemed, was in retreat.
Mboya would normally have been a part of the delegation, but he had earlier accepted an invitation from the American Committee on Africa, which had sponsored his first visit to the United States, to return for an April speaking tour. By not going on the trip to London, Mboya risked the possibility that Odinga, who was clearly emerging as a rival in the bid for national leadership, would benefit politically at home if the discussions were fruitfulâand even if they were not. It was a risk he was willing to take. Being a politician blessed with an astute sense of timing, Mboya seized the moment for a return to the United States.
In April 1959 Mboya made his second visit to the United States, landing in New York to a heroâs welcome. He was by now a figure of immense global popularity, and his first few days in the United States were crammed with speeches, press conferences, and