The Mark of the Assassin by Daniel Silva

served as master of ceremonies. He kept the agenda, directed the flow of conversation, and made sure the discussion didn’t drift.
    “The first order of business is the proposed strike against the Sword of Gaza,” he said. “Ron, why don’t you begin.”
    The CIA director brought maps and enlarged satellite photographs. “The Sword of Gaza has three primary training facilities,” he began. “In the Libyan desert, one hundred miles south of Tripoli; outside the town of Shahr Kord in western Iran; and here”—he tapped the map one last time—“in Al Burei in Syria. Hit those three sites and we can deal them a serious psychological blow.”
    Beckwith furrowed his brow. “Why only psychological, Ron? I want to deal them a crippling blow.”
    “Mr. President, if I may be blunt, I don’t think that’s a realistic objective. The Sword of Gaza is small, elusive, and highly mobile. Bombing their training sites will make us feel good, and it will give us a modicum of revenge, but I can say with reasonable certitude that it will not put the Sword of Gaza out of business.”
    “Your recommendation, Ron?” Vandenberg asked.
    “I say we hit the sons of bitches with everything we can muster. The strike needs to be surgical as hell, though. The last thing we need is to blow up an apartment building and provide radical Islam with five hundred new martyrs.”
    Vandenberg looked at Defense Secretary Allen Payne. “That’s your job, Allen. Can we do it?”
    Payne stood up. “Absolutely, Mr. President. Right now we have the Aegis cruiser Ticonderoga on patrol in the northern Persian Gulf. The Ticonderoga ’s cruise missiles can take out those training camps with devastating accuracy. We have satellite imagery of the camps, and that information has been programmed into the cruise missiles. They won’t make a mistake.”
    “What about the camps in Syria and Libya?” the President asked.
    “The John F. Kennedy and its battle group have moved into position in the Mediterranean. We’ll use the cruise missiles against the base in Syria. Libya is the group’s main base of operations. That camp is the largest and most complex. To put it out of business will require a larger strike. Therefore, we would use Stealth fighters based in Italy for the job.”
    The President turned to Secretary of State Martin Claridge. “Martin, what impact will a strike have on our policy in the Middle East?”
    “Difficult to say, Mr. President. It will certainly inflame Islamic radicals, and it will certainly stir things up in Gaza and the West Bank. As for Syria, it will make it more difficult to bring Assad to the peace table, but he’s been in no hurry to get there in any case. It will, however, also send a powerful message to those states that continue to support terrorism. Therefore you have my support, Mr. President.”
    “The risks, gentlemen?” Vandenberg asked.
    National Security Adviser William Bristol cleared his throat. “We must accept there is some risk that Iran, Syria, or Libya might decide to strike back.”
    “If they do,” said Defense Secretary Payne, “they will pay a very heavy price. We have more than enough force in the Mediterranean and the Gulf to deal any one of those nations a serious blow.”
    “There is another threat,” said CIA Director Clark. “Retaliation in the form of increased terrorism. We should certainly place all our embassies and personnel worldwide on a very high state of alert.”
    “Already done,” said Secretary of State Claridge. “We issued a secret communication last night.”
    Finally, Beckwith turned to Vandenberg. “What do you think, Paul?”
    “I think we should hit them and hit them very hard, Mr. President. It’s a measured response, it’s decisive, and it shows resolve. It demonstrates that the United States government will take steps to protect its people. And politically, it will be the equivalent of a ninth-inning grand slam. Sterling will have to support you. To do