comparison with the castigation Colonel Hunter received. “We believe that he was absolutely incompetent, unreliable and unworthy to perform the duties assigned to him,” the committee stated. Sheriff Thaxton and his deputies were“criminally negligent”; all the local police-officers were “absolutely derelict in their duty.” Hugh Willis could be convicted of murder in any county in the state but Williamson. If he, Fox Hughes, and other union officials “had been prompted by high and lofty motives,” the disaster could easily have been prevented. Lester, on the other hand, should not be absolved from blame: his greed and foolhardiness were sharply condemned. Of all those of whose activities the committee took cognizance, only Delos Duty drew words of praise. “His untiring efforts in trying to convict those whom he believed responsible for the murders lead us to the conclusion that he did his full duty, even to the sacrifice of his health. He deserves the commendation of this committee, the people of his county and the State of Illinois.”
Five members of the committee signed the report. The other two, Representatives Pierce and Curran, filed a minority report.
In the main, the two minority members accepted the majority’s statement of facts, though they omitted some of the most harrowing incidents, and challenged several passages reflecting on Hugh Willis and Colonel Hunter. Of the majority conclusions, however, only the condemnation of Lester was retained. All other participants were exonerated in the concluding paragraph:
It is the opinion that the evidence heard by the committee is of such controversial nature, that we are unable to definitely fix the responsibility, because of the mob spirit prevalent at the time, nor that there was any real or intended neglect of duty on the part of the public officials; furthermore … the committee believes that this massacre could not have been anticipated and that everything that could be done had been done by the State to forestall this trouble, because … these mobs were composed of people from other towns and localities.
Both reports were presented on June 30, 1923, in the last hours of the biennial session. As many members of the Housewere not in their seats, Representative Curran tried to force the Speaker to recognize the absence of a quorum, and thus prevent either report from becoming a matter of official record. In this he failed, but he succeeded in blocking the adoption of the majority report and in keeping it from being printed as a separate document.
That same night, in the Illinois State Senate, other union sympathizers gave the Herrin investigation the
coup de grâce.
Because Hugh Willis and other witnesses were not accessible, the House investigating committee had introduced a bill setting up another commission to prolong the investigation. The House passed the bill by a vote of 84 to 11. But a few opponents in the Senate prevented a vote before adjournment, bringing this bitter comment from the five signers of the majority report: “The committee hopes that these Senators will be replaced by men of high moral stamina and courage, who will think more of the protection of the fair name of the State of Illinois than their own selfish political ambitions.”
Thus the last echoes of the guns of Herrin died away in the popping of firecrackers and the noise of the horseplay that Illinois lawmakers consider appropriate to the final hours of a legislative session.
*
A year after the massacre the Illinois District, United Mine Workers of America, bought the Lester mine in order to forestall heavy damage-suits. The purchase price was $726,000, considered fabulous by all who knew the value of the property. There are reasons for believing that Lester “kicked back” substantial sums to several union officials: even so, he made a handsome profit.
After his Illinois venture Lester attempted to develop a strip mine in Kentucky and lost heavily in the
Five members of the committee signed the report. The other two, Representatives Pierce and Curran, filed a minority report.
In the main, the two minority members accepted the majority’s statement of facts, though they omitted some of the most harrowing incidents, and challenged several passages reflecting on Hugh Willis and Colonel Hunter. Of the majority conclusions, however, only the condemnation of Lester was retained. All other participants were exonerated in the concluding paragraph:
It is the opinion that the evidence heard by the committee is of such controversial nature, that we are unable to definitely fix the responsibility, because of the mob spirit prevalent at the time, nor that there was any real or intended neglect of duty on the part of the public officials; furthermore … the committee believes that this massacre could not have been anticipated and that everything that could be done had been done by the State to forestall this trouble, because … these mobs were composed of people from other towns and localities.
Both reports were presented on June 30, 1923, in the last hours of the biennial session. As many members of the Housewere not in their seats, Representative Curran tried to force the Speaker to recognize the absence of a quorum, and thus prevent either report from becoming a matter of official record. In this he failed, but he succeeded in blocking the adoption of the majority report and in keeping it from being printed as a separate document.
That same night, in the Illinois State Senate, other union sympathizers gave the Herrin investigation the
coup de grâce.
Because Hugh Willis and other witnesses were not accessible, the House investigating committee had introduced a bill setting up another commission to prolong the investigation. The House passed the bill by a vote of 84 to 11. But a few opponents in the Senate prevented a vote before adjournment, bringing this bitter comment from the five signers of the majority report: “The committee hopes that these Senators will be replaced by men of high moral stamina and courage, who will think more of the protection of the fair name of the State of Illinois than their own selfish political ambitions.”
Thus the last echoes of the guns of Herrin died away in the popping of firecrackers and the noise of the horseplay that Illinois lawmakers consider appropriate to the final hours of a legislative session.
*
A year after the massacre the Illinois District, United Mine Workers of America, bought the Lester mine in order to forestall heavy damage-suits. The purchase price was $726,000, considered fabulous by all who knew the value of the property. There are reasons for believing that Lester “kicked back” substantial sums to several union officials: even so, he made a handsome profit.
After his Illinois venture Lester attempted to develop a strip mine in Kentucky and lost heavily in the
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