became confused and ended by believing none of them.”
Peter was troubled by this logic but could not put his finger on the flaw. “I think we should impress upon Comrade Uldanov,” said Adams, “the vital co-ordinating function of the New Truth.”
“Yes,” said Orlov, “the New Truth is the mouthpiece of Won-world. It is here that the Party members, the Protectors and the people everywhere learn each day what to do and what to think. Of course the major policies are laid down by the Politburo as a whole; I merely carry them out. It is for the Politburo to decide, for example, whether we shall say that the production record is very bad, in order to exhort and sting everyone to greater output; or whether we shall say that it is very good, in order to show how well the regime is doing and to emphasize the blessings of living under it.”
“These decisions are sometimes very difficult,” Adams put in. “We often find that a zigzag course is best. For example, if goods are shoddy and fall apart, or if too many size nine shoes are made and not enough size eight, or if people cannot get enough to eat, there may be grumbling and complaints—or silent dissatisfaction. We must make sure that this unrest does not turn against the regime itself.”
“Therefore,” said Orlov, “we must lead the complaints. We must ourselves pick scapegoats to denounce and punish.”
“This is known,” added Adams, “as communist self-criticism.’*
“It is in the columns of the New Truth/’ Orlov resumed, “that everyone learns what to think of every new book or play.”
“One thing I do not understand, Your Highness,” said Peter. “The government publishes all the books, and would not publish any book that it did not approve. And it puts on all the plays. Yet I sometimes see a very unfavorable review of a book or a play.”
“That might happen for all sorts of reasons,” Orlov explained. “Most high officials do not see a play, for example, until after it has been put on. They may then find it unamusing, or even deviationist. And if the public does not go to see it, we must decide whether we shall denounce the play or denounce the public. And with books, again, the party line may have changed between the time the book was ordered and the day of publication. Or a reviewer—provided he outranks the author or the publisher’s reader who passed on the book—may detect some deviation that escaped the publisher’s eye. All of which,” Orlov concluded, smiling, “explains why we have to change the head of our publishing house so often.”
“Publishing is the most hazardous occupation in Wonworld,”
Adams explained.
“Another important function of the New Truth,” continued Orlov, “is to decide who are the heroes and who are the villains. There must be heroes to inspire the people to greater achievement, greater conformity to the party line, and greater relentlessness in tracking down deviationists; and there must be villains as scapegoats and as examples to be shunned. We on he newspaper decide who they are.”
“But when you decide, for example,” asked Peter, “whether to say that the production of shoes, say, is very good or very bad, or who is responsible for it, why don’t you just find out the real facts and say whatever happens to be the truth?”
Orlov looked bewildered.
Adams came to the rescue. “Comrade Uldanov,” he explained, “has still not yet learned to make the neo-Marxian logic an integral part of his thinking. As I have already pointed out to you”—he turned to Peter—“the truth is whatever belief works successfully; it is whatever statement has the best results. The truth is whatever is good for communism.”
Chapter 11
PETER moved quickly into the Inner Circle. While Bolshekov was still away, he was made a member of the Party. Only about one in every ten Protectors, he learned, was so honored.
“I must act quickly,” was the only explanation Stalenin gave him.
A week
Peter was troubled by this logic but could not put his finger on the flaw. “I think we should impress upon Comrade Uldanov,” said Adams, “the vital co-ordinating function of the New Truth.”
“Yes,” said Orlov, “the New Truth is the mouthpiece of Won-world. It is here that the Party members, the Protectors and the people everywhere learn each day what to do and what to think. Of course the major policies are laid down by the Politburo as a whole; I merely carry them out. It is for the Politburo to decide, for example, whether we shall say that the production record is very bad, in order to exhort and sting everyone to greater output; or whether we shall say that it is very good, in order to show how well the regime is doing and to emphasize the blessings of living under it.”
“These decisions are sometimes very difficult,” Adams put in. “We often find that a zigzag course is best. For example, if goods are shoddy and fall apart, or if too many size nine shoes are made and not enough size eight, or if people cannot get enough to eat, there may be grumbling and complaints—or silent dissatisfaction. We must make sure that this unrest does not turn against the regime itself.”
“Therefore,” said Orlov, “we must lead the complaints. We must ourselves pick scapegoats to denounce and punish.”
“This is known,” added Adams, “as communist self-criticism.’*
“It is in the columns of the New Truth/’ Orlov resumed, “that everyone learns what to think of every new book or play.”
“One thing I do not understand, Your Highness,” said Peter. “The government publishes all the books, and would not publish any book that it did not approve. And it puts on all the plays. Yet I sometimes see a very unfavorable review of a book or a play.”
“That might happen for all sorts of reasons,” Orlov explained. “Most high officials do not see a play, for example, until after it has been put on. They may then find it unamusing, or even deviationist. And if the public does not go to see it, we must decide whether we shall denounce the play or denounce the public. And with books, again, the party line may have changed between the time the book was ordered and the day of publication. Or a reviewer—provided he outranks the author or the publisher’s reader who passed on the book—may detect some deviation that escaped the publisher’s eye. All of which,” Orlov concluded, smiling, “explains why we have to change the head of our publishing house so often.”
“Publishing is the most hazardous occupation in Wonworld,”
Adams explained.
“Another important function of the New Truth,” continued Orlov, “is to decide who are the heroes and who are the villains. There must be heroes to inspire the people to greater achievement, greater conformity to the party line, and greater relentlessness in tracking down deviationists; and there must be villains as scapegoats and as examples to be shunned. We on he newspaper decide who they are.”
“But when you decide, for example,” asked Peter, “whether to say that the production of shoes, say, is very good or very bad, or who is responsible for it, why don’t you just find out the real facts and say whatever happens to be the truth?”
Orlov looked bewildered.
Adams came to the rescue. “Comrade Uldanov,” he explained, “has still not yet learned to make the neo-Marxian logic an integral part of his thinking. As I have already pointed out to you”—he turned to Peter—“the truth is whatever belief works successfully; it is whatever statement has the best results. The truth is whatever is good for communism.”
Chapter 11
PETER moved quickly into the Inner Circle. While Bolshekov was still away, he was made a member of the Party. Only about one in every ten Protectors, he learned, was so honored.
“I must act quickly,” was the only explanation Stalenin gave him.
A week
Similar Books
