to work. The people of Andigny, whose patriotism had emerged revitalised by the ordeal, showed themselves to have faith in the Occupier. However, while they accepted the fait accompli, they nevertheless regretted that one provision of the armistice prevented them from hearing the voice of the French government, to which they remained faithfully devoted and whose declarations they endorsed. Political activity, including that of the trade unions, had come to a standstill.
Le Journal d’Andigny
, which is run by our friend Madame de Feuquerolles, soon resumed publication, continuing to vigorously promote nationalist ideas. Over the course of those months spent restoring order, I noted with satisfaction that the German military authorities generally workedhard to support the French administration, fully recognising the utility of its efforts and the necessity of its involvement, which were in the interests of Germany itself.
In early August, I wrote a letter to Maréchal Pétain in Vichy, having the honour of knowing him personally in our capacities as fellow members of the Academy. I assured him of my deepest respect and unswerving support, and asked that my house be restored to me. I pointed out that I had long been among those who had dearly sought his return to government to save France from the abyss into which we had seen it sinking. And, in offering the services of my pen, I made a number of suggestions, including that of establishing a single party.
I also wrote: ‘The rebirth of France through work cannot be effected without the institution of a new social order based on trust and cooperation between owners and workers.
This new social order must overthrow the old way of doing things
– the policy of deal-making with Masonic, capitalist and international elements that has brought us to our current pass. The falling birth rate has compelled us to defend our territory with an unacceptably high ratio of North Africans, colonials and foreigners.
The French family must be restored to its place of honour
. The tide of materialism that overwhelmed France, the spirit of pleasure-seeking and ease are the deep-seated causes of our weakness and our surrender. We must return to the worship and practice of the ideal summarised in these few words:
God, Homeland, Family, Work
. The education of our young people must be reformed.’
I included with the letter a freshly printed copy of
La Grappe mystique
, dedicated to our Leader.
A week later, I received, care of Monsieur Métailié, a handwritten response
from Maréchal Pétain himself
. He thanked me for sending my book (which he looked forward to reading as soon as his labours at the bedside of our defeated and ailing Motherland allowed), and assuredme that he had taken the necessary steps for the use of my home to be restored to me: the Secretary of the Academy would send a request on the Maréchal’s behalf to the commander of the occupying forces. And he added:
Many of your ideas, my dear Husson, have hit their mark. As you suggest, we must bring together a group of like-minded thinkers. What we choose to call ourselves is of little import. All true Frenchmen must stand up and be counted. We entirely share your way of thinking. France must revive an ideal that the proliferation of political parties has led her to forget or underestimate. She must revive a conscience that a lack of responsibility has deadened. She must revive a heart that individualism has atrophied or hypertrophied … 5
Of course, I was hardly alone among my fellow academicians in proclaiming fervent support for the Maréchal. Not long afterwards, Claudel composed his splendid
Ode to Pétain
:
France, hear this old man, who thinks of everything and talks to you like a father.
Daughter of Saint Louis, listen and ask: Have you had your fill of politics yet?
Hear that steady voice as it proposes and explains its proposals like oil and its truths like gold …
As soon as I regained possession of Villa
Le Journal d’Andigny
, which is run by our friend Madame de Feuquerolles, soon resumed publication, continuing to vigorously promote nationalist ideas. Over the course of those months spent restoring order, I noted with satisfaction that the German military authorities generally workedhard to support the French administration, fully recognising the utility of its efforts and the necessity of its involvement, which were in the interests of Germany itself.
In early August, I wrote a letter to Maréchal Pétain in Vichy, having the honour of knowing him personally in our capacities as fellow members of the Academy. I assured him of my deepest respect and unswerving support, and asked that my house be restored to me. I pointed out that I had long been among those who had dearly sought his return to government to save France from the abyss into which we had seen it sinking. And, in offering the services of my pen, I made a number of suggestions, including that of establishing a single party.
I also wrote: ‘The rebirth of France through work cannot be effected without the institution of a new social order based on trust and cooperation between owners and workers.
This new social order must overthrow the old way of doing things
– the policy of deal-making with Masonic, capitalist and international elements that has brought us to our current pass. The falling birth rate has compelled us to defend our territory with an unacceptably high ratio of North Africans, colonials and foreigners.
The French family must be restored to its place of honour
. The tide of materialism that overwhelmed France, the spirit of pleasure-seeking and ease are the deep-seated causes of our weakness and our surrender. We must return to the worship and practice of the ideal summarised in these few words:
God, Homeland, Family, Work
. The education of our young people must be reformed.’
I included with the letter a freshly printed copy of
La Grappe mystique
, dedicated to our Leader.
A week later, I received, care of Monsieur Métailié, a handwritten response
from Maréchal Pétain himself
. He thanked me for sending my book (which he looked forward to reading as soon as his labours at the bedside of our defeated and ailing Motherland allowed), and assuredme that he had taken the necessary steps for the use of my home to be restored to me: the Secretary of the Academy would send a request on the Maréchal’s behalf to the commander of the occupying forces. And he added:
Many of your ideas, my dear Husson, have hit their mark. As you suggest, we must bring together a group of like-minded thinkers. What we choose to call ourselves is of little import. All true Frenchmen must stand up and be counted. We entirely share your way of thinking. France must revive an ideal that the proliferation of political parties has led her to forget or underestimate. She must revive a conscience that a lack of responsibility has deadened. She must revive a heart that individualism has atrophied or hypertrophied … 5
Of course, I was hardly alone among my fellow academicians in proclaiming fervent support for the Maréchal. Not long afterwards, Claudel composed his splendid
Ode to Pétain
:
France, hear this old man, who thinks of everything and talks to you like a father.
Daughter of Saint Louis, listen and ask: Have you had your fill of politics yet?
Hear that steady voice as it proposes and explains its proposals like oil and its truths like gold …
As soon as I regained possession of Villa
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