Harold
of Poitiers’ statement that the archbishop brought Godwine’s hostages with him and handed them over to William. Archbishop Robert would have been in a position to do this in 1052, whereas he could not have done so during his previous visit in 1051. However, before this possibility can be considered more fully the restoration of the Godwine family must first be examined. 12
    This dramatic turn of events arose because Godwine and his family, like Osgod Clapa before them, were not prepared to accept their exile tamely. Indeed, they had deliberately selected their places of exile in Bruges and Dublin because of their suitability as springboards for a return. Both were within easy sailing distance of England, especially Bruges, and both had plenty of mercenaries readily available for hire. Earl Godwine probably set about recruiting Flemish mercenaries with the treasure he had taken with him and with the support of Count Baldwin, but he was also joined by supporters from England. The fact that the family returned with a ‘large fleet’ does suggest the recruitment of mercenary forces in addition to those who may have followed them into exile. 13
    Meanwhile, in Ireland Earl Harold carried out a similar task of recruiting mercenary forces to support a return to England. He had apparently been well received by King Diarmait of Leinster, who had a reputation for welcoming and helping exiles. A later Welsh text, when recording Diarmait’s death, describes him as ‘gentle towards pilgrims and strangers’, a description attributable to Welshmen who, like Harold, had found refuge at his court. Harold was able to persuade Diarmait to use his influence to assist him in recruiting men and ships, perhaps in return for some of the family treasure or possibly promises of improved trading concessions in important English ports like Bristol or Exeter. At this time, Diarmait gained direct control of Dublin and its mercenaries by expelling its Norse–Irish King Eachmargach and installing his own son, Murchad, as ruler. It is possible that Earl Harold may even have assisted him in this task, although the account of the conquest in the Irish Annals indicates a straightforward campaign to destroy Dublin’s hinterland prior to King Eachmargach’s flight. At the least, Harold’s visit appears to have fostered a sympathy with Diarmait which was to extend, after Harold’s death, to his young sons. It is also possible that the raid made on Earl Ralph’s earldom early in 1052 by Gruffydd of Wales was encouraged by Harold from his vantage point in Dublin, although it is more likely that this was a simple case of Gruffydd taking advantage of Ralph’s absence with the fleet. 14
    As preparations for the family’s return made progress in Bruges and Dublin, Godwine may have finally decided to remove a major obstacle to his acceptance back in England, namely his eldest son Swein. It was probably at about this time that he sent his son on pilgrimage to Jerusalem as a penitent for his all too many sins. (It has already been seen how Swein’s behaviour had caused him to be exiled, and how King Edward had accepted his return in 1050 only with great reluctance.) The Chronicle says Swein went there from Bruges and that he died on the return journey at Lycia near Constantinople on 29 September 1052. In this case, he must have set out during the family’s exile with the intention that when he returned his family would be restored and that he, Swein, might thereafter prove more acceptable as a penitent pilgrim. 15
    The various activities of Godwine and his sons did not go unnoticed by Edward, and he made his own preparations to oppose them. He gathered a fleet of forty ships at Sandwich under the command of Earls Ralph and Odda. This was the customary response to a threat from Flanders and it had proved sufficient to repulse German raiders in 1048 and Osgod Clapa a year later. However, the circumstances were now rather different. The professional fleet

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