y modernos (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1958), passim.
5. The quotes are from King Philip IV to Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda, Zaragoza, October 4, 1643, and Sor María to Philip, Ágreda, November 25, 1661, both in Seco Serrano, Cartas de Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda y de Felipe IV . Time and again, the king promised to heed Sor María’s advice and appease God with sound policies. See, for instance, Philip to Sor María, Madrid, June 12, 1652, or Philip to Sor María, Madrid, January 9, 1664, in ibid.
6. Philip III’s royal decree legalizing Indian slavery in Chile, May 26, 1608, AGI, Chile, 57. For Philip IV’s involvement, see “Real cédula al virrey del Perú,” Aranjuez, April 13, 1625, in Álvaro Jara and Sonia Pinto, Fuentes para la historia del trabajo en el reino de Chile (Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1982), 276. See also José Bengoa, Historia de los antiguos mapuches del sur: Desde antes de la llegada de los españoles hasta las paces de Quilín (Santiago: Catalonia, 2007), 317–348; José Bengoa, Conquista y barbarie: Ensayo crítico acerca de la conquista de Chile (Santiago: Ediciones Sur, 1992); Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile; and Eugene Clark Berger, “Permanent War on Peru’s Periphery: Frontier Identity and the Politics of Conflict in 17th Century Chile” (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 2006).
7. This progression can be neatly followed in the 1648 real cédula on the need to keep paying the royal fifth (a royal tax consisting of one-fifth the value of the transaction) on Indian slaves; the 1656 real cédula prohibiting customary slavery, whereby Indians sold their children into slavery; the 1660 real cédula curtailing obrajes, or textile sweatshops, in which Indians labored as virtual slaves; the three reales cédulas issued in 1662 prohibiting the exportation of Chilean Indian slaves and curbing their mistreatment; the 1663 real cédula urging authorities to fully comply with the real cédula of 1656 prohibiting customary slavery; the 1664 real cédula reiterating the prohibition to export Indians out of Chile; and the 1665 real cédula reducing the amount of work required of slaves so that they could attend their doctrinas, classes where they learned the mysteries of the Catholic faith. The real cédula of April 9, 1662, directed the governor of Chile, the bishop of Santiago, and other ecclesiastical authorities to get together to discuss and avoid the abuses caused by the taking of Indian slaves.
8. Early on, Mariana was a giggling adolescent amused by the dwarfs and fools ofPhilip’s court. With the passage of time, however, her spontaneity withered away, and she became withdrawn. As a mature woman, she often dressed with the severity of a nun. According to the stipulations of Philip’s will, Queen Mariana was to rule the empire until her son Carlos (who would rule as Charles II) came of age. Her power was limited by a governing committee handpicked by Philip, whose advice she was forced to heed. On the terms of Mariana’s regency, see Testamento de Felipe IV (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1982), especially clauses 22 and 33. The quote is from the Duke of Maura, Vida y reinado de Carlos II y su Corte, 2 vols. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1954), 1:55. For more on Mariana, see Kamen, Spain in the Later Seventeenth Century, 27, 330–331.
9. The quote is from Langdon-Davis, Carlos, 62.
10. The quote is from a letter from Sor María to Father Manero reproduced in the prologue to Seco Serrano, Cartas de Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda y de Felipe IV, xxxviii. More generally, see John Kessell, “Miracle or Mystery: María de Ágreda’s Ministry to the Jumano Indians of the Southwest in the 1620s,” in Ferenc Morton Szasz, ed., Great Mysteries of the West (Golden, CO: Fulcrum, 1993). For the most complete English-language treatment of Sor María today, see Marilyn H. Fedewa, María of Ágreda: Mystical Lady in Blue (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2009). Alonso de
5. The quotes are from King Philip IV to Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda, Zaragoza, October 4, 1643, and Sor María to Philip, Ágreda, November 25, 1661, both in Seco Serrano, Cartas de Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda y de Felipe IV . Time and again, the king promised to heed Sor María’s advice and appease God with sound policies. See, for instance, Philip to Sor María, Madrid, June 12, 1652, or Philip to Sor María, Madrid, January 9, 1664, in ibid.
6. Philip III’s royal decree legalizing Indian slavery in Chile, May 26, 1608, AGI, Chile, 57. For Philip IV’s involvement, see “Real cédula al virrey del Perú,” Aranjuez, April 13, 1625, in Álvaro Jara and Sonia Pinto, Fuentes para la historia del trabajo en el reino de Chile (Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1982), 276. See also José Bengoa, Historia de los antiguos mapuches del sur: Desde antes de la llegada de los españoles hasta las paces de Quilín (Santiago: Catalonia, 2007), 317–348; José Bengoa, Conquista y barbarie: Ensayo crítico acerca de la conquista de Chile (Santiago: Ediciones Sur, 1992); Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile; and Eugene Clark Berger, “Permanent War on Peru’s Periphery: Frontier Identity and the Politics of Conflict in 17th Century Chile” (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 2006).
7. This progression can be neatly followed in the 1648 real cédula on the need to keep paying the royal fifth (a royal tax consisting of one-fifth the value of the transaction) on Indian slaves; the 1656 real cédula prohibiting customary slavery, whereby Indians sold their children into slavery; the 1660 real cédula curtailing obrajes, or textile sweatshops, in which Indians labored as virtual slaves; the three reales cédulas issued in 1662 prohibiting the exportation of Chilean Indian slaves and curbing their mistreatment; the 1663 real cédula urging authorities to fully comply with the real cédula of 1656 prohibiting customary slavery; the 1664 real cédula reiterating the prohibition to export Indians out of Chile; and the 1665 real cédula reducing the amount of work required of slaves so that they could attend their doctrinas, classes where they learned the mysteries of the Catholic faith. The real cédula of April 9, 1662, directed the governor of Chile, the bishop of Santiago, and other ecclesiastical authorities to get together to discuss and avoid the abuses caused by the taking of Indian slaves.
8. Early on, Mariana was a giggling adolescent amused by the dwarfs and fools ofPhilip’s court. With the passage of time, however, her spontaneity withered away, and she became withdrawn. As a mature woman, she often dressed with the severity of a nun. According to the stipulations of Philip’s will, Queen Mariana was to rule the empire until her son Carlos (who would rule as Charles II) came of age. Her power was limited by a governing committee handpicked by Philip, whose advice she was forced to heed. On the terms of Mariana’s regency, see Testamento de Felipe IV (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1982), especially clauses 22 and 33. The quote is from the Duke of Maura, Vida y reinado de Carlos II y su Corte, 2 vols. (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1954), 1:55. For more on Mariana, see Kamen, Spain in the Later Seventeenth Century, 27, 330–331.
9. The quote is from Langdon-Davis, Carlos, 62.
10. The quote is from a letter from Sor María to Father Manero reproduced in the prologue to Seco Serrano, Cartas de Sor María de Jesús de Ágreda y de Felipe IV, xxxviii. More generally, see John Kessell, “Miracle or Mystery: María de Ágreda’s Ministry to the Jumano Indians of the Southwest in the 1620s,” in Ferenc Morton Szasz, ed., Great Mysteries of the West (Golden, CO: Fulcrum, 1993). For the most complete English-language treatment of Sor María today, see Marilyn H. Fedewa, María of Ágreda: Mystical Lady in Blue (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2009). Alonso de
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