government. For a while he did control the situation, and everything went well enough.
âBut Mahmoud had designs of his own. He was Doctor Semichâs secretary, and he was trusted. He began calling the Presidentâs attentions to various trespasses of Radnjakâs on the presidential powers. Radnjak, in an attempt to keep Mahmoud from control, made a terrible mistake. He went to Doctor Semich and told him frankly and honestly that no one expected him, the President, to give all his time to executive business, and that it had been the intention of his countrymen to give him the honor of being the first president rather than the duties.
âRadnjak had played into Mahmoudâs handsâthe secretary became the actual government. Doctor Semich was now thoroughly convinced that Radnjak was trying to steal his authority, and from that day on Radnjakâs hands were tied. Doctor Semich insisted on handling every governmental detail himself, which meant that Mahmoud handled it, because the President knows as little about statesmanship to-day as he did when he took office. Complaintsâno matter who made themâdid no good. Doctor Semich considered every dissatisfied citizen a fellow-conspirator of Radnjakâs. The more Mahmoud was criticized in the Chamber of Deputies, the more faith Doctor Semich had in him. Last year the situation became intolerable, and the revolution began to form.
âRadnjak headed it, of course, and at least ninety percent of the influential men in Muravia were in it. The attitude of people as a whole, it is difficult to judge. They are mostly peasants, small land-owners, who ask only to be let alone. But thereâs no doubt theyâd rather have a king than a president, so the form was to be changed to please them. The army, which worshiped Radnjak, was in it. The revolution matured slowly. General Radnjak was a cautious, careful man, and, as this is not a wealthy country, there was not much money available.
âTwo months before the date set for the outbreak, Radnjak was assassinated. And the revolution went to pieces, split up into half a dozen factions. There was no other man strong enough to hold them together. Some of these groups still meet and conspire, but they are without general influence, without real purpose. And this is the revolution that has been sold Lionel Grantham. Weâll have more information in a day or two, but what weâve learned so far is that Mahmoud, who spent a monthâs vacation in Constantinople, brought Grantham back here with him and joined forces with Einarson to swindle the boy.
âMahmoud was very much out of the revolution, of course, since it was aimed at him. But Einarson had been in it with his superior, Radnjak. Since Radnjakâs death Einarson has succeeded in transferring to himself much of the allegiance that the soldiers gave the dead general. They do not love the Icelander as they did Radnjak, but Einarson is spectacular, theatricalâhas all the qualities that simple men like to see in their leaders. So Einarson had the army and could get enough of the late revolutionâs machinery in his hands to impress Grantham. For money heâd do it. So he and Mahmoud put on a show for your boy. They used Valeska Radnjak, the generalâs daughter, too. She, I think, was also a dupe. Iâve heard that the boy and she are planning to be king and queen. How much did he invest in this little farce?â
âMaybe as much as three million American dollars.â
Romaine Frankl whistled softly and poured more wine.
IX
CONJECTURES
How did the Minister of Police stand, when the revolution was alive?â I asked.
âVasilije,â she told me, sipping wine between phrases, âis a peculiar man, an original. He is interested in nothing except his comfort. Comfort to him means enormous amounts of food and drink and at least sixteen hours of sleep each day, and not having to move around much during
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