Germans or Swiss refuse to pay compensation, the heavens cannot contain the
righteous indignation of organized American Jewry. But when Jewish elites rob Jewish survivors, no
ethical issues arise: it's just about money.
Although my late mother received only $3,500 in compensation, others involved in the reparations
process have made out quite well.
The reported annual salary of Saul Kagan, long-time Executive Secretary of the Claims Conference, is
$105,000. Between stints at the Conference, Kagan was convicted of 33 counts of willfully
misapplying funds and credit while heading a New York bank. (The conviction was overturned only
after multiple appeals.) Alfonse D'Amato, the ex-Senator from New York, mediates Holocaust
lawsuits against German and Austrian banks for $350 per hour plus expenses. For the first 6 months of
The Holocaust Industry: THE DOUBLE SHAKEDOWN
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his labors, he took in $103,000. Earlier Wiesel publicly praised D'Amato for his "sensitivity to Jewish
suffering." Lawrence Eagleburger, Secretary of State under President Bush, earns an annual salary of
$300,000 as chair of the International Commission On Holocaust-Era Insurance Claims. "Whatever
he's being paid," Elan Steinberg of the World Jewish Congress opined, "it is an absolute bargain."
Kagan rings up in 12 days, Eagleburger in 4 days, and D'Amato in 10 hours what my mother received
for suffering six years of Nazi persecution. 12
The award for most enterprising Holocaust huckster, however, must surely go to Kenneth Bialkin. For
decades a prominent US Jewish leader, he headed the ADL and chaired the Conference of Presidents
of Major American Jewish Organizations. Currently, Bialkin represents the Generali insurance
company against the Eagleburger Commission for a reported "high sum of money." 13
In recent years, the Holocaust industry has become an outright extortion racket. Purporting to
represent all of world Jewry, living and dead, it is laying claim to Holocaust-era Jewish assets
throughout Europe. Fittingly dubbed the "last chapter of The Holocaust," this double shakedown of
European countries as well as legitimate Jewish claimants first targeted Switzerland. I will first review
the allegations against the Swiss. I will then turn to the evidence, demonstrating that many of the
charges were not only based on deceit but apply even more accurately to those issuing them than to
their targets.
Commemorating the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II, Switzerland's president formally
apologized in May 1995 for denying Jews refuge during the Nazi holocaust. 14 About the same time,
discussion reopened on the long-simmering question of Jewish assets deposited in Swiss accounts
before and during the war. In a widely reported story, an Israeli journalist cited a document —
misread, as it turned out — proving that Swiss banks still held Holocaust-era Jewish accounts worth
billions of dollars. 15
The World Jewish Congress, a moribund organization until its campaign denouncing Kurt Waldheim
as a war criminal, leapt at this new opportunity to flex its muscle. Early on it was understood that
Switzerland was easy prey. Few would sympathize with rich Swiss bankers as against "needy
Holocaust survivors." But more importantly, Swiss banks were highly vulnerable to economic
pressures from the United States. 16
In late 1995, Edgar Bronfman, president of the WJC and the son of a Jewish Claims Conference
official, and Rabbi Israel Singer, the secretary-general of the WJC and a real estate tycoon, met with
the Swiss bankers. 17 Bronfman, heir to the Seagram liquor fortune (his personal wealth is estimated
at $3 billion), would later modestly inform the Senate Banking Committee that he spoke "on behalf of
the Jewish people» as well as "the 6 million, those who cannot speak for themselves." 18 The Swiss
bankers declared that they could
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