commissioners charged with responsibility for the voting had stacked the deck in their favor, distributing ballots with a large “X” already printed in place to indicate the Liberal position. To vote for change, a member had only to return his ballot unmarked. In order to vote the Radical position, the printed response had to be erased and the new vote written in.
The Radicals had expected something like this, and called for a boycott of the election. The rules stated that a two-thirds majority was required for the passage of any suggested change. Milton reasoned that if only one third of the church members could be persuaded not to vote, the conservatives would win by default. The Liberals, onthe other hand, argued that they could win with a two-thirds majority of those voting.
Both sides assumed that they had won. The Liberals obtained their two-thirds majority on each of the four issues: the new Confession of Faith; the new Constitution; the admission of lay delegates to the General Conference; and the specific question of secret societies.
The Radical boycott had succeeded as well. A total of 54,250 church members cast the preprinted ballots; the total membership of the church in 1888 was 204,517. Three quarters of the members had not voted. Obviously the Liberals would appear at the General Conference to argue for the validity of the election, while the diehard Radicals would argue against it on the basis of their reading of the two-thirds rule. 25
Recognizing that a final confrontation at the conference might shatter the church, most members of the old Radical faction were ready to capitulate and join hands with the victorious Liberals. Bishop Wright would have none of that. He continued to work at a frenzied pace, and Wilbur relished the opportunity to enter the fight on his father’s behalf, distributing thousands of copies of Scenes in the Church Commission and other conservative pamphlets.
“The tract is producing a big stir,” he told Milton. “The Liberals can’t hold still, and every movement they make only draws out some new admission.” Three thousand of the little booklets were mailed that summer, with an additional 1,100 copies ready for distribution at the General Conference. “When we begin to circulate them free ,” he noted with some relish, “there will be fun.” 26
Wilbur continued to write articles and editorials of his own responding to attacks on his father. There were those, like the Reverend W. J. McGee, who wondered at the presumption of this young man who dared to argue important issues with elder churchmen. Wilbur was more than able to to defend himself—and get in a few licks of his own at the same time.
Your complaint that I am only a boy sounds rather strange coming from the lips of a Liberal. They have been complaining for years that the Radicals were “old fogies,” “antediluvians,” etc., and rejoiced that they would soon die off. Now to suit the exigencies of the times you complain that they are too young! You seem to infer that I am too young to tell the truth. Is there any precise age at which men become able to speak the truth? I know children not five years old who tell the truth. It has not been the custom, therefore, to grade the truth of statements by the age of the person giving voice to them. 27
The tone of feisty self-confidence indicates the extent to which Wilbur had left depression behind. At an age when most young men were breaking their family ties, he had enjoyed his first success and achieved some measure of visibility, not by striking out on his own but by writing in support of his father’s cause.
All of the Wright family crises came to a head during the spring and summer of 1889. Milton had worked feverishly since the general election, traveling from congregation to congregation gathering signatures on petitions he would carry to the General Conference of 1889. It was the one time in his life when work came before family.
Susan was sinking
The Radicals had expected something like this, and called for a boycott of the election. The rules stated that a two-thirds majority was required for the passage of any suggested change. Milton reasoned that if only one third of the church members could be persuaded not to vote, the conservatives would win by default. The Liberals, onthe other hand, argued that they could win with a two-thirds majority of those voting.
Both sides assumed that they had won. The Liberals obtained their two-thirds majority on each of the four issues: the new Confession of Faith; the new Constitution; the admission of lay delegates to the General Conference; and the specific question of secret societies.
The Radical boycott had succeeded as well. A total of 54,250 church members cast the preprinted ballots; the total membership of the church in 1888 was 204,517. Three quarters of the members had not voted. Obviously the Liberals would appear at the General Conference to argue for the validity of the election, while the diehard Radicals would argue against it on the basis of their reading of the two-thirds rule. 25
Recognizing that a final confrontation at the conference might shatter the church, most members of the old Radical faction were ready to capitulate and join hands with the victorious Liberals. Bishop Wright would have none of that. He continued to work at a frenzied pace, and Wilbur relished the opportunity to enter the fight on his father’s behalf, distributing thousands of copies of Scenes in the Church Commission and other conservative pamphlets.
“The tract is producing a big stir,” he told Milton. “The Liberals can’t hold still, and every movement they make only draws out some new admission.” Three thousand of the little booklets were mailed that summer, with an additional 1,100 copies ready for distribution at the General Conference. “When we begin to circulate them free ,” he noted with some relish, “there will be fun.” 26
Wilbur continued to write articles and editorials of his own responding to attacks on his father. There were those, like the Reverend W. J. McGee, who wondered at the presumption of this young man who dared to argue important issues with elder churchmen. Wilbur was more than able to to defend himself—and get in a few licks of his own at the same time.
Your complaint that I am only a boy sounds rather strange coming from the lips of a Liberal. They have been complaining for years that the Radicals were “old fogies,” “antediluvians,” etc., and rejoiced that they would soon die off. Now to suit the exigencies of the times you complain that they are too young! You seem to infer that I am too young to tell the truth. Is there any precise age at which men become able to speak the truth? I know children not five years old who tell the truth. It has not been the custom, therefore, to grade the truth of statements by the age of the person giving voice to them. 27
The tone of feisty self-confidence indicates the extent to which Wilbur had left depression behind. At an age when most young men were breaking their family ties, he had enjoyed his first success and achieved some measure of visibility, not by striking out on his own but by writing in support of his father’s cause.
All of the Wright family crises came to a head during the spring and summer of 1889. Milton had worked feverishly since the general election, traveling from congregation to congregation gathering signatures on petitions he would carry to the General Conference of 1889. It was the one time in his life when work came before family.
Susan was sinking
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