union. Indeed, he would give everyone cause to believe he still thought Mary guilty.
However, Norfolk was also aware that there was a clause in his commission that threatened anyone contemplating marrying Mary with a traitor’s death. It was this that held him back from giving Maitland a final answer. However, he did reveal that Elizabeth had no intention of restoring Mary or finding her guilty; all she desired, he told Maitland, was an excuse to keep the Queen of Scots a prisoner in England. Then, if in the future she wished to restore her, there would be no bar to her doing so. Maitland told Norfolk he should inform Moray of Elizabeth’s intentions, for if Moray thought there was any chance of Mary’s restoration, he would not dare to produce any evidence against her. This would have suited Maitland very well. 6
Maitland saw to it that a rumour of the proposed marriage was disseminated amongst the commissioners at York, and one morning a hopeful Leslie presented himself at Norfolk’s lodging, asking the Duke to confirm the bruit that he bore a certain goodwill towards Queen Mary. Around this time, Norfolk—who now had a very good reason for wanting Mary cleared of murder— took Maitland’s advice and told Moray that, “albeit the Queen had done, or suffered harm to be done, to the King her husband,” for the sake of her son, he did not wish to see “our future Queen,” accused or dishonoured. He said that, although he had been sent to hear Moray’s accusation, neither he nor Elizabeth would pass any sentence on her, and he urged Moray not to use the Casket Letters as evidence. Moray told no one of this except Maitland and Melville; 7 he was now more uncertain than ever as to whether he dared produce the Casket Letters before the commission.
Elizabeth was becoming increasingly unhappy about the way things were going at York. There were too many intrigues behind the scenes, which were causing unnecessary delays. Moray, although he was determined to keep Mary out of Scotland, seemed reluctant to produce any evidence against her. By 16 October, Elizabeth was thinking of adjourning the conference to Westminster, where she and Cecil could keep a close watch on things, and on that day, she sent orders to Norfolk to adjourn the proceedings so that she could lay the issues he had raised before the Privy Council; she also summoned representatives of each party to London “to resolve her of certain difficulties that did arise” between them. She also wanted to find out why Moray and his colleagues forbore “to charge the Queen with guiltiness of the murder.” Three days later, the Queen’s orders and summons reached York, and it was agreed that Maitland, MacGill, Leslie and Kilwinning should go to London. They left on 22 October.
Mary, meanwhile, had been telling Knollys that she “would not greatly mislike” a marriage with a kinsman of Elizabeth. Knollys reported this to Cecil on 20 October, so Mary must have heard from her commissioners of the rumours about Norfolk, who was Elizabeth’s kinsman on her mother’s side. Knollys added that, in his opinion, the Queen could not detain Mary with honour “unless she be utterly disgraced to the world, and the contrary party maintained.” Knollys was now spending many pleasant hours teaching Mary English, and despite his puritanism, was obviously becoming ensnared by her charms.
On 20 and 21 October, the commissioners discussed whether or not Moray should have the Regency, Herries and his friends arguing that the office should have gone to Chatelherault (who was then in London), as heir presumptive after James and the nearest to Mary in blood. Moray retorted that it was for Parliament to choose a governor. 8 Fearful of the political consequences of his prolonged absence from Scotland, he also urged that the proceedings of the commission be expeditiously concluded.
Mary had now abandoned the idea of a reunion with Bothwell, and on 21 October, authorised her
However, Norfolk was also aware that there was a clause in his commission that threatened anyone contemplating marrying Mary with a traitor’s death. It was this that held him back from giving Maitland a final answer. However, he did reveal that Elizabeth had no intention of restoring Mary or finding her guilty; all she desired, he told Maitland, was an excuse to keep the Queen of Scots a prisoner in England. Then, if in the future she wished to restore her, there would be no bar to her doing so. Maitland told Norfolk he should inform Moray of Elizabeth’s intentions, for if Moray thought there was any chance of Mary’s restoration, he would not dare to produce any evidence against her. This would have suited Maitland very well. 6
Maitland saw to it that a rumour of the proposed marriage was disseminated amongst the commissioners at York, and one morning a hopeful Leslie presented himself at Norfolk’s lodging, asking the Duke to confirm the bruit that he bore a certain goodwill towards Queen Mary. Around this time, Norfolk—who now had a very good reason for wanting Mary cleared of murder— took Maitland’s advice and told Moray that, “albeit the Queen had done, or suffered harm to be done, to the King her husband,” for the sake of her son, he did not wish to see “our future Queen,” accused or dishonoured. He said that, although he had been sent to hear Moray’s accusation, neither he nor Elizabeth would pass any sentence on her, and he urged Moray not to use the Casket Letters as evidence. Moray told no one of this except Maitland and Melville; 7 he was now more uncertain than ever as to whether he dared produce the Casket Letters before the commission.
Elizabeth was becoming increasingly unhappy about the way things were going at York. There were too many intrigues behind the scenes, which were causing unnecessary delays. Moray, although he was determined to keep Mary out of Scotland, seemed reluctant to produce any evidence against her. By 16 October, Elizabeth was thinking of adjourning the conference to Westminster, where she and Cecil could keep a close watch on things, and on that day, she sent orders to Norfolk to adjourn the proceedings so that she could lay the issues he had raised before the Privy Council; she also summoned representatives of each party to London “to resolve her of certain difficulties that did arise” between them. She also wanted to find out why Moray and his colleagues forbore “to charge the Queen with guiltiness of the murder.” Three days later, the Queen’s orders and summons reached York, and it was agreed that Maitland, MacGill, Leslie and Kilwinning should go to London. They left on 22 October.
Mary, meanwhile, had been telling Knollys that she “would not greatly mislike” a marriage with a kinsman of Elizabeth. Knollys reported this to Cecil on 20 October, so Mary must have heard from her commissioners of the rumours about Norfolk, who was Elizabeth’s kinsman on her mother’s side. Knollys added that, in his opinion, the Queen could not detain Mary with honour “unless she be utterly disgraced to the world, and the contrary party maintained.” Knollys was now spending many pleasant hours teaching Mary English, and despite his puritanism, was obviously becoming ensnared by her charms.
On 20 and 21 October, the commissioners discussed whether or not Moray should have the Regency, Herries and his friends arguing that the office should have gone to Chatelherault (who was then in London), as heir presumptive after James and the nearest to Mary in blood. Moray retorted that it was for Parliament to choose a governor. 8 Fearful of the political consequences of his prolonged absence from Scotland, he also urged that the proceedings of the commission be expeditiously concluded.
Mary had now abandoned the idea of a reunion with Bothwell, and on 21 October, authorised her
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