of old. As
one historian of the South, Dickson Bruce, noted,
So much has been made of the camp-meeting's frontier origins as well as its
more sensational qualities that one often loses sight of its religious character and the content of its religious appeal. For many observers, then and
now, the secular role of the camp-meeting has far overshadowed whatever
religious significance the practice might have had. Recognizing the hard
character of frontier life, these writers have shown that the plain-folk
greatly needed the kind of social occasion afforded by camp-meetings.
Gatherings provided an opportunity, usually right after harvest time, for
people to get together for several days of unencumbered social activity, and
in a region where population was sparse and work was hard, such an opportunity must have been greatly appreciated.
Despite the perceived misplaced emphasis, he suggested that the camp meetings provided a ritual which nurtured close personal relationships, cooperation, reflection, and Southern hospitality. Dickson acknowledged, however,
that "the gathering took on the form of a `holy fair' or `religious holiday' because the whole community turned out, religious and irreligious. But as with
any fair, holy or otherwise, all of the activities of the campground were not of
the variety desired by church leaders."
It is not coincidental that most contemporary barbecue contests are held
either at a spring "hoedown" celebration or at harvest time. Corresponding
festivals are also prominent in major religions. Malinowski contended that the
"festive and public character of the ceremonies of cult is a conspicuous feature
of religion in general. Most sacred acts happen in a congregation.... This
public character, the gathering together of big numbers is especially pronounced in the annual or periodic feasts held at time of plenty.... Such feasts
allow the people to indulge in their gay mood, to enjoy the abundance of
crops or quarry, to meet their friends and relatives, to muster the whole community in full force, and to do all of this in a mood of happiness and harmony." Specifically supporting the thesis of this essay, he concluded, "there can be no doubt that religion demands the existence of seasonal, periodic
feasts with a big concourse of people, with rejoicing and festive apparel, with
an abundance of food, and with relaxation of rules and taboos."
In many ways, the Barbecue Eucharist serves as the perfect metaphor for
understanding contemporary Southern society. The catechism contains a reverence for tradition and the heritage of the past, the vestiges of rural camp
meetings, a chorus of regional chauvinism, a pulpit for oratory, and opportunity for community participation, appreciation for the vernacular, equality of
opportunity, and subtle interracial respect.
Charles Brightbill suggests that recreational activities have historically been
related to religion, and the barbecue ritual is an excellent example of this relationship. Both, he said, "are engaged in voluntarily, occur during leisure, provide a chance for gain, balance, and perspective, provide the opportunity to
express and satisfy our inner desires, place us at the center of our own destiny,
recognize the supreme worth of the individual, [and] provide for us the exercise of free will." Developing that analogy, he held that "with some people,
under certain circumstances, recreation can become a substitute for religion-just as religion sometimes becomes a form of recreation."
The community values represented by the high-priest cooks and the dedication of their congregations suggest that the rhetorical ritual of barbecue,
characterized by hyperbole and boastful humor among friends, may also
serve to further human understanding and humanitarian values among the
faithful. As such, it is a regional community ritual worthy of our academic
analysis as well as our voracious appetites. Brightbill's conclusions about
recreation
one historian of the South, Dickson Bruce, noted,
So much has been made of the camp-meeting's frontier origins as well as its
more sensational qualities that one often loses sight of its religious character and the content of its religious appeal. For many observers, then and
now, the secular role of the camp-meeting has far overshadowed whatever
religious significance the practice might have had. Recognizing the hard
character of frontier life, these writers have shown that the plain-folk
greatly needed the kind of social occasion afforded by camp-meetings.
Gatherings provided an opportunity, usually right after harvest time, for
people to get together for several days of unencumbered social activity, and
in a region where population was sparse and work was hard, such an opportunity must have been greatly appreciated.
Despite the perceived misplaced emphasis, he suggested that the camp meetings provided a ritual which nurtured close personal relationships, cooperation, reflection, and Southern hospitality. Dickson acknowledged, however,
that "the gathering took on the form of a `holy fair' or `religious holiday' because the whole community turned out, religious and irreligious. But as with
any fair, holy or otherwise, all of the activities of the campground were not of
the variety desired by church leaders."
It is not coincidental that most contemporary barbecue contests are held
either at a spring "hoedown" celebration or at harvest time. Corresponding
festivals are also prominent in major religions. Malinowski contended that the
"festive and public character of the ceremonies of cult is a conspicuous feature
of religion in general. Most sacred acts happen in a congregation.... This
public character, the gathering together of big numbers is especially pronounced in the annual or periodic feasts held at time of plenty.... Such feasts
allow the people to indulge in their gay mood, to enjoy the abundance of
crops or quarry, to meet their friends and relatives, to muster the whole community in full force, and to do all of this in a mood of happiness and harmony." Specifically supporting the thesis of this essay, he concluded, "there can be no doubt that religion demands the existence of seasonal, periodic
feasts with a big concourse of people, with rejoicing and festive apparel, with
an abundance of food, and with relaxation of rules and taboos."
In many ways, the Barbecue Eucharist serves as the perfect metaphor for
understanding contemporary Southern society. The catechism contains a reverence for tradition and the heritage of the past, the vestiges of rural camp
meetings, a chorus of regional chauvinism, a pulpit for oratory, and opportunity for community participation, appreciation for the vernacular, equality of
opportunity, and subtle interracial respect.
Charles Brightbill suggests that recreational activities have historically been
related to religion, and the barbecue ritual is an excellent example of this relationship. Both, he said, "are engaged in voluntarily, occur during leisure, provide a chance for gain, balance, and perspective, provide the opportunity to
express and satisfy our inner desires, place us at the center of our own destiny,
recognize the supreme worth of the individual, [and] provide for us the exercise of free will." Developing that analogy, he held that "with some people,
under certain circumstances, recreation can become a substitute for religion-just as religion sometimes becomes a form of recreation."
The community values represented by the high-priest cooks and the dedication of their congregations suggest that the rhetorical ritual of barbecue,
characterized by hyperbole and boastful humor among friends, may also
serve to further human understanding and humanitarian values among the
faithful. As such, it is a regional community ritual worthy of our academic
analysis as well as our voracious appetites. Brightbill's conclusions about
recreation
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