nexus.’
‘All that’s fine, Rao, but who specifically was responsible for these bomb blasts in Ahmedabad – and why are we not able to prevent such attacks?’ The prime minister’s tone was curt.
‘The investigations are still on, sir, but it’s almost certainly the handiwork of the YPS.’
‘I thought the Indian Mujahideen claimed responsibility for the bombings.’
‘They did, sir, but the Indian Mujahideen is merely the action arm of the YPS. The name has been chosen because they want to portray it as a homegrown terror group.’
‘They think they can get away with that?’
‘Well… ever since the Supreme Court banned the YPS as a terrorist group, they have been trying every trick in the book, including the use of some dubious political patrons, to get the ban lifted. If they manage that, they’ll be able to re-establish their over-theground network and actively promote their brand of extremist Islam, while simultaneously carrying out terror strikes as the Indian Mujahideen. This model – of a legitimate political movement or welfare organization as the front with an underground terrorist arm operating in its shadows – is being used by several terrorist organizations in many democratic countries.’
‘You mean, like the Jamaat-ud-Dawah and the Lashkar-e-Toiba in Pakistan?’
‘Exactly, sir. It makes it really hard for security agencies to act.’
‘Is it true that the founders of the YPS are influenced by Deobandi Islam – just like the Taliban and several other right-wing terrorist groups?’
‘It is,’ Rao confirmed.
‘How in hell has the YPS suddenly become so organized? They were just a ragtag bunch till recently.’
‘Sir, though the YPS started as the student wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami, which itself was inspired by Iran’s Islamic Revolution, the JIH distanced itself from the YPS when it started inciting people to wage war on the Indian state. However, by then the YPS had been identified by the ISI as a valuable tool for use against India. They helped it to link up with the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad, Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami and other such groups and this enhanced their resources and strike capabilities considerably.’
‘I’m glad you’ve done your homework so thoroughly,’ the PM said brusquely, ‘but what I want to know is why we’ve been unable to prevent these bomb attacks.’
‘Sir, no country in the world can be on guard all the time, everywhere. A few attacks will always get through, no matter how strong our defences. There is no single battlefield here, no enemy, and no obvious target to protect.’
‘Are you trying to tell me, Rao, that there is nothing we can do? Are you saying that we simply have to live with this, accept it as yet another unpleasant reality?’
‘No, sir, I’m not saying that, but there is no simple solution.’
‘I’m aware of that, Rao,’ the PM said wearily. ‘Tell us what we can do.’
‘Well, sir.’ Rao took a deep breath. ‘Military operations must always be conducted speedily to ensure the objective is attained in the shortest possible time with the least possible resources. Delhi must acknowledge that Pakistan is a failed state and talking peace with it will just not work.’
‘What nonsense!’ the external affairs minister exploded.
‘I agree with Rao,’ Narayan intervened. ‘We must understand that in Pakistan the power and pervasiveness of the army and the ISI is built on hostility with India and their success in anti-India operations. Why will they ever give it up?’
‘Pakistan is more than just an army and the ISI. What about civil society?’
‘Well, as far as that goes, sir, the Taliban is not the cause, it is in some measure the result of the talibanization of Pakistan’s society,’ Rao explained. ‘In 1947 there were less than 250 madrassas in Pakistan. At the end of last year there were 23,000 and they churn out 1.2 to 1.7 million students annually.’
‘So what?’ the external
‘All that’s fine, Rao, but who specifically was responsible for these bomb blasts in Ahmedabad – and why are we not able to prevent such attacks?’ The prime minister’s tone was curt.
‘The investigations are still on, sir, but it’s almost certainly the handiwork of the YPS.’
‘I thought the Indian Mujahideen claimed responsibility for the bombings.’
‘They did, sir, but the Indian Mujahideen is merely the action arm of the YPS. The name has been chosen because they want to portray it as a homegrown terror group.’
‘They think they can get away with that?’
‘Well… ever since the Supreme Court banned the YPS as a terrorist group, they have been trying every trick in the book, including the use of some dubious political patrons, to get the ban lifted. If they manage that, they’ll be able to re-establish their over-theground network and actively promote their brand of extremist Islam, while simultaneously carrying out terror strikes as the Indian Mujahideen. This model – of a legitimate political movement or welfare organization as the front with an underground terrorist arm operating in its shadows – is being used by several terrorist organizations in many democratic countries.’
‘You mean, like the Jamaat-ud-Dawah and the Lashkar-e-Toiba in Pakistan?’
‘Exactly, sir. It makes it really hard for security agencies to act.’
‘Is it true that the founders of the YPS are influenced by Deobandi Islam – just like the Taliban and several other right-wing terrorist groups?’
‘It is,’ Rao confirmed.
‘How in hell has the YPS suddenly become so organized? They were just a ragtag bunch till recently.’
‘Sir, though the YPS started as the student wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami, which itself was inspired by Iran’s Islamic Revolution, the JIH distanced itself from the YPS when it started inciting people to wage war on the Indian state. However, by then the YPS had been identified by the ISI as a valuable tool for use against India. They helped it to link up with the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Jaish-e-Mohammad, Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami and other such groups and this enhanced their resources and strike capabilities considerably.’
‘I’m glad you’ve done your homework so thoroughly,’ the PM said brusquely, ‘but what I want to know is why we’ve been unable to prevent these bomb attacks.’
‘Sir, no country in the world can be on guard all the time, everywhere. A few attacks will always get through, no matter how strong our defences. There is no single battlefield here, no enemy, and no obvious target to protect.’
‘Are you trying to tell me, Rao, that there is nothing we can do? Are you saying that we simply have to live with this, accept it as yet another unpleasant reality?’
‘No, sir, I’m not saying that, but there is no simple solution.’
‘I’m aware of that, Rao,’ the PM said wearily. ‘Tell us what we can do.’
‘Well, sir.’ Rao took a deep breath. ‘Military operations must always be conducted speedily to ensure the objective is attained in the shortest possible time with the least possible resources. Delhi must acknowledge that Pakistan is a failed state and talking peace with it will just not work.’
‘What nonsense!’ the external affairs minister exploded.
‘I agree with Rao,’ Narayan intervened. ‘We must understand that in Pakistan the power and pervasiveness of the army and the ISI is built on hostility with India and their success in anti-India operations. Why will they ever give it up?’
‘Pakistan is more than just an army and the ISI. What about civil society?’
‘Well, as far as that goes, sir, the Taliban is not the cause, it is in some measure the result of the talibanization of Pakistan’s society,’ Rao explained. ‘In 1947 there were less than 250 madrassas in Pakistan. At the end of last year there were 23,000 and they churn out 1.2 to 1.7 million students annually.’
‘So what?’ the external
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