Washington's General by Terry Golway Page B

with.” In less than a year, however, Knox said Greene “was equal, in military knowledge, to any General officer in the army, and very superior to most of them.”
    But he was more than just a general; he was a rebel, fighting not for territory or for conquest but for ideas–revolutionary ideas. This raw, untutored forgemaster had put on a uniform to help cast aside the old order and create something new and bold. The long siege allowed him time not only to learn about leadership and supplies and tactics but also to reflect on America’s political struggle. And he was not shy about offering his opinions.
    To Samuel Ward Sr., an increasingly influential figure in Congress, Greene vented his frustration with what he regarded as the tedious and irrelevant political wrangling in Philadelphia. In October 1775, an impatient Greene told Ward that “people” in camp “heartily” supported “a Declaration of Independence.” The notion of a complete break with Britain was, even at this late hour, hardly commonplace. Many political leaders still believed a peaceful resolution to the conflict was possible, and still regarded themselves as loyal subjects of King George III. Only two months before, Thomas Jefferson confessed he was in favor of reconciliation with the British. Maryland’s lawmakers were on record as opposing independence. And even George Washington referred to Britain’s troops in Boston as the “ministerial” army–meaning that they represented not the king, who still commanded the loyalty of many American patriots, but the corrupt and oppressive cabinet.
    Greene, however, seemed to realize that separation was inevitable.Why not make the declaration now? he wondered. And while Congress was at it, why not crack down on the traitors who continued to do business with the enemy? Facing the armed might of the British army, with troops preparing for winter, Greene lashed out at merchants who carried on normal trade with Britain. “I would make it Treason against the state to make any further Remittances to great Britain,” he wrote to Ward. “Stop all supplies to the Ships throughout America. . . . The Merchants in general are a body of People whose God is Gain, and their whole plan of Policy is to bring Publick measures to square with their private interest.”
    Greene saw himself, and his fellow officers and soldiers, as the embodiment of republican virtue, sacrificing everything for the sake of liberty. He was none too patient, then, with civilians who seemed less enthusiastic about the cause, and they were numerous. Again, to Ward, he complained about his fellow Americans who put profits ahead of patriotism.
    This is no time for geting Riches but to secure what we have got. Every shadow of Oppression and Extortion ought to disappear, but instead of that we find many Articles of Merchandise multiplied four fold their value. . . . The Farmers are Extortionate where ever their situation furnishes them with an Opportunity. These are the people that I complain mostly of; they are wounding the cause.
    In other letters to Ward, Greene showed a grasp of how the rebels in America fit into the larger picture of clashing empires. He urged Ward and Congress to “embrace” France and Spain “as brothers” in the fight against the common enemy, Britain. “We want not their Land Forces in America; their Navy we do,” he wrote.
    As the memorable year of 1775 entered its final months, however, Greene and the other American commanders were faced with issues more pressing than extortionate prices and foreign alliances.
    Their citizen soldiers were preparing to go home.
    With enlistments among the New England soldiers due to expire on December 1, Congress dispatched Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Harrison, and Thomas Lynch to Cambridge to meet with Washington and his generals. They arrived on the night of October 15 and immediately were briefed on