The Gypsy Goddess by Meena Kandasamy Page A

caste-Hindu streets had been raised at the meeting, a comrade took this opportunity to tell Kaveri and Kuppammal, the two old women who had the singular misfortune of standing next to him, ‘ Kilavi , kilavi , when you both die, we will take your bodies through their streets.’ And then, looking at Veerappan’s daughter, who stood there mute and motionless, exorcism having failed her, he said ‘This is not only for the kilavis , but for you, too.’
    He thought he was being nice.

    The system of slavery in these parts has its own hate-list: late-comers, talk-backers, work-shirkers. This system of slavery believes in discipline and punishment and immediate enforcement. This system of slavery delivers justice faster than the local fisherwoman.
    Now we take a look at a single case study.
    Ratnam had been punished previously for one misdemeanour or the other, but even he was not prepared for the thrashing that he received on 18 December 1968, a date that would remain etched in his mind till his dying day. He was accused of having put the first signature to a memorandum against Gopalakrishna Naidu, he was accused of pasting the party posters up in the Thevur market, he was accused of having beaten up the only man from Kilvenmani who had joined the Paddy Producers Association, he was accused of making his village rally around the red flag. He was called an ungrateful dog and a stupid pig and a whore-son’s whoreson, among other appellations.
    When a bleeding Ratnam goes to the Keevalur police station, Inspector Rajavel doesn’t accept the complaint. He comes up with a convincing excuse – perhaps he says, ‘This will work against you in the long run,’ or he says, ‘It is easy for me to file a complaint but that will turn both of you into permanent enemies,’ or he says, ‘You may be the secretary of the Communist Party in Kilvenmani, but do you have even a single person who would dare to give witness in yourfavour?’ or one of those other things that policemen say when they have decided not to take you seriously.
    A stubborn Ratnam is sent away home.
    Today, at the meeting, he is Kilvenmani’s hero. His first daughter, Virammal, married in Niruthanimangalam, has come with Sankar, her infant son, to see him. His fame has travelled far.

    What did the party do? What could the party have done?
    The party had seen glorious days. But the red salute could only unite up to a certain point. Fault-lines began to appear along the issue of untouchability. People started choosing convenient options that kept their caste codes intact.
    Some deserted the party because the Indian National Congress made no ideological demands of them. Others deserted the party because the DMK had emerged as a new alternative to the Congress. Even the black-shirted Self-Respecters who did not contest elections started treating communism as though it were nothing more than a superstition. In East Tanjore, the party was patronized only by the Pallars and Paraiyars and other outcastes.
    When approached by the people of Kilvenmani, the party made it clear that it did not make a decision on every isolated strike and uprising. It also said that it would not intercede with the landlords. The party said that it stood by the cheri because the cheri stood by the red flag. The party demanded loyalty: the feudal origins of this important trait were conveniently forgotten.
    When they complained to the party about the 250 rupee fine that Gopalakrishna Naidu was demanding, the party told them not even to dream of paying up. The party said that soon Gopalakrishna Naidu’s Paddy Producers Association would be banned, and therefore there was nothing to fear.
    When the people said that the landlords would not give them work during the harvest season, the party promised to speak about the issue in the Legislative Assembly. The party said it had its representatives there.
    When the party’s local office told the