The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life
cognitive ability, and the relationship between IQ scores and job performance is probably very weak
in that setting.
Forget about IQ for a moment and think about weight as a qualification for being an offensive tackle in the National Football League. The All-Pro probably is not the heaviest player. On the other hand, the lightest tackle in the league weighs about 250 pounds. That is what we mean by restriction of range. In terms of correlation coefficients, if we were to rate the performanceof every NFL offensive tackle and then correlate those ratings with their weights, the result would probably be a correlation near zero. Should we then approach the head coaches of the NFL and recommend that they try out a superbly talented 150-pound athlete at offensive tackle? The answer is no. We would be right in concluding that performance does not correlate much with weight among NFL tackles, whose weights range upward from around 250, but not about the correlation in the general population. Imagine a sample of ordinary people drawn from the general population and inserted into an offensive line. The correlation between the performance of these people as tackles in football games and their weights would be large indeed. The difference between these two correlations—one for the actual tackles in the NFL and the other a hypothetical one for people at large—illustrates the impact of restriction of range on correlation coefficients. 6
    Confusion between a credential and a correlation.
Would it be silly to require someone to have a minimum score on an IQ test to get a license as a barber? Yes. Is it nonetheless possible that IQ scores are correlated with barbering skills? Yes. Later in the chapter, we discuss the economic pros and cons of using a weakly correlated score as a credential for hiring, but here we note simply that some people confuse a well-founded opposition to credentialing with a less well-founded denial that IQ correlates with job performance. 7
    The weaknesses of individual studies.
Until the last decade, even the experts had reason to think that the relationship must be negligible. Scattered across journals, books, technical reports, conference proceedings, and the records of numberless personnel departments were thousands of samples of workers for whom there were two measurements: a cognitive ability test score of some sort and an estimate of proficiency or productivity of some sort. Hundreds of such findings were published, but every aspect of this literature confounded any attempt to draw general conclusions. The samples were usually small, the measures of performance and of worker characteristics varied and were more or less unreliable and invalid, and the ranges were restricted for both the test score and the performance measure. This fragmented literature seemed to support the received wisdom: Tests were often barely predictive of worker performance and different jobs seemed to call for different predictors. And yet millions of people are hired for jobs every year in competition with other applicants. Employers make those millionsof choices by trying to guess which will be the best worker. What then is a fair way for the employer to make those hiring decisions?
    Since 1971, the answer to that question has been governed by a landmark Supreme Court decision,
Griggs
v.
Duke Power Co. 8
The Court held that any job requirement, including a minimum cutoff score on a mental test, must have a “manifest relationship to the employment in question” and that it was up to the employer to prove that it did. 9 In practice, this evolved into a doctrine: Employment tests must focus on the skills that are specifically needed to perform the job in question. 10 An applicant for a job as a mechanic should be judged on how well he does on a mechanical aptitude test, while an applicant for a job as a clerk should be judged on tests measuring clerical skills, and so forth. So decreed the Supreme Court, and why not? In addition to

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