participated in lightning charges against highlanders in the Caucasus Mountains in 1863. Even his days as a colonel, leading combat assaults on Turkish emplacements and fortresses during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877â78, seemed a lifetime ago. The gold saber and the St. George's Cross he had earned for bravery were both a quarter-century old. He had led the same life as his noble forebears, within the military and the state, at the highest levels. His family boasted a former deputy minister of the interior, several governors-general of various provinces, and members of the tsar's State Council. Only a few short months from retirement, Kakhanov had no intention of allowing a few "rebels" in Odessa to tarnish his pristine record or his family name.
Since the beginning of the year, he had watched strikes flare up and then expire; the workers accepted a few worthless gestures from their owners and went back to their factories. Although the workers' demands were rarely political in nature, despite the urgings of the revolutionary rabble, these strikes concerned him because they proved that the mayor and the police lacked authority over the peopie. Kakhanov had complained to St. Petersburg that in the past four months "not a single day has passed that my troops have not been called in to help civil officials." This worried him for two reasons: first, the police were powerless to maintain law and order on their own; second, every moment his men spent in Odessa took away from their training and sapped their morale.
Matters had become much more serious of late, though. Odessa's citizens were scared; rumors floated about of Jewish revolutionaries smuggling in weapons and planning assassinations of government officials; and now workers dared march on the city center. Kakhanov knew he was the only one with the leadership and the resources to subdue the city. Under his command in Odessa, he had a regiment of Cossacks and, should he need it, the authority to arm and direct the police. He could call on three more regiments and a brigade in reserve, more than enough troops and enough firepower to crush an opponent armed with rocks and the occasional peasant hunting rifle or antique revolver.
He had ordered the dispersal of Peresyp's strikers, and more troops were surging into the streets as evening fell. His men had advance instructions on where to station themselves to keep transportation channels open and protect crucial civil administration buildings and staff. Any violent protestors were to be arrested on the spot. When the situation warranted, his officers had orders to meet resistance with overwhelming force, as they had that morning. From his window, Kakhanov heard the shouts of marchers. He would treat them like any enemy on the battlefield.
Supply officer Makarov had never expected to confront citywide riots in Odessa, and they made his simple run for provisions anything but simple. Throngs of workers packed the streets, making a short walk to a grocer or butcher like a swim upstream through a strong current. From every direction came shouts of "Down with autocracy!" and "Death to the police!" In this confusion, it had been difficult to find enough meat to buy, particularly since Makarov insisted on haggling for the lowest price. Some of the sailors suggested they return to Tendra Island for provisions, but Makarov ordered them to keep their thoughts to themselves.
At 9 P.M. , the lights went off throughout Odessa. Some workers
had shut down the city's gas and electricity station. A few minutes later, gunshots were heard in the distance as Cossacks tried to regain control of the streets. Makarov became more and more nervous. Finally, in the Greek bazaar, he came across a butcher willing to sell a few thousand pounds of meat. The assistant ship surgeon, Dr. Golenko, bald and pale as the moon, inspected the meat and concluded it was acceptable.
Sailor Alekseyev took one look at the hanging carcasses of cattle and turned to
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