September 11, 2001, when television spread the word around the country and the globe within minutes, news about Pearl Harbor spread slowly, trickling out over the radio in the afternoon. The attack took place during the traditional Sunday dinner hour on the East Coast and in the Midwest, which meant that most people did not have their radios on. The unseasonably warm weather across the nation drove many people outside, and away from their radios, for picnics and other activities. It was not until later in the afternoon, when the âextraâ editions of daily newspapers hit the streets with their screaming headlines, that the entire nation learned of the assault.
Nonetheless, FDR was still able to deceive the public and Congress about the extent of the carnage. Although the president had detailed damage and casualty reports by the end of the day, he refused to release themânot only to the press but also to lawmakers in Washington. He
deliberately downplayed the effectiveness of the Japanese attack when he met with a bipartisan group of congressional leaders on the evening of December 7.
There were good reasons for FDR to be deceptive: He worried that if the Japanese realized what a devastating blow they had delivered, they would launch a land assault against Hawaii. He also needed to maintain public morale and feared details of the devastation could panic the American people. Based on comments he made that evening, it seems that FDR also worried that the public would blame him for the disaster, undermining his authority when he needed it most to rally the nation behind him. It is revealing that Rooseveltâs successful leadership depended on a level of deception that would be unacceptable by todayâs standards.
There is, however, no evidence that FDR deceived lawmakers or the American public about a critical and much-contested point surrounding the Pearl Harbor attack: the fact that it came as a surprise. The publicâs fascination with conspiracy theories has distorted much of the writing about Pearl Harbor. The conspiracy theories popped up even before the war was over, with the appearance of John Flynnâs self-published The Truth About Pearl Harbor , and they have continued up to the present, with the 1999 release of Robert B. Stinnettâs Day of Deceit . Most of these books focus on a single question: Did FDR use the attack on Pearl Harbor as a âback doorâ to war? In other words, was FDR the mastermind behind a massive government conspiracy to push a reluctant nation into battle? Over the years, conservative critics of Roosevelt and a few historians have promoted the so-called backdoor theory, but it has failed to gain much credibility. All the evidence shows that FDR and the men around him were genuinely shocked when they learned of the attack. They may have been naive and gravely misjudged Japanese intentions and capability, but they were not guilty of deliberate deception. 2
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H aving secured an unprecedented third term in 1940, FDR had served as president for 3,200 days (8 years, 9 months, and 3 days,
or 76,800 hours) when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor. His entire presidency had been engulfed in crisis. His presidency began amid a worldwide economic depression, with millions of Americans out of work and underemployed, the financial system in crisis, and the political establishment in paralysis. By 1939, the conflagration in Europe, and the growing threat of Hitlerâs armies, threatened the global balance of power and seemed destined to pull a reluctant nation into another European war.
Despite the length of his presidency, and the great crises that he confronted, FDR remains an elusive figure. âI am a juggler,â Roosevelt once said about his approach to governing. âI never let my right hand know what my left hand does.â His administrative style was often chaotic. He refused to establish clear lines of authority, allowed aides to fight each
Nonetheless, FDR was still able to deceive the public and Congress about the extent of the carnage. Although the president had detailed damage and casualty reports by the end of the day, he refused to release themânot only to the press but also to lawmakers in Washington. He
deliberately downplayed the effectiveness of the Japanese attack when he met with a bipartisan group of congressional leaders on the evening of December 7.
There were good reasons for FDR to be deceptive: He worried that if the Japanese realized what a devastating blow they had delivered, they would launch a land assault against Hawaii. He also needed to maintain public morale and feared details of the devastation could panic the American people. Based on comments he made that evening, it seems that FDR also worried that the public would blame him for the disaster, undermining his authority when he needed it most to rally the nation behind him. It is revealing that Rooseveltâs successful leadership depended on a level of deception that would be unacceptable by todayâs standards.
There is, however, no evidence that FDR deceived lawmakers or the American public about a critical and much-contested point surrounding the Pearl Harbor attack: the fact that it came as a surprise. The publicâs fascination with conspiracy theories has distorted much of the writing about Pearl Harbor. The conspiracy theories popped up even before the war was over, with the appearance of John Flynnâs self-published The Truth About Pearl Harbor , and they have continued up to the present, with the 1999 release of Robert B. Stinnettâs Day of Deceit . Most of these books focus on a single question: Did FDR use the attack on Pearl Harbor as a âback doorâ to war? In other words, was FDR the mastermind behind a massive government conspiracy to push a reluctant nation into battle? Over the years, conservative critics of Roosevelt and a few historians have promoted the so-called backdoor theory, but it has failed to gain much credibility. All the evidence shows that FDR and the men around him were genuinely shocked when they learned of the attack. They may have been naive and gravely misjudged Japanese intentions and capability, but they were not guilty of deliberate deception. 2
Â
Â
H aving secured an unprecedented third term in 1940, FDR had served as president for 3,200 days (8 years, 9 months, and 3 days,
or 76,800 hours) when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor. His entire presidency had been engulfed in crisis. His presidency began amid a worldwide economic depression, with millions of Americans out of work and underemployed, the financial system in crisis, and the political establishment in paralysis. By 1939, the conflagration in Europe, and the growing threat of Hitlerâs armies, threatened the global balance of power and seemed destined to pull a reluctant nation into another European war.
Despite the length of his presidency, and the great crises that he confronted, FDR remains an elusive figure. âI am a juggler,â Roosevelt once said about his approach to governing. âI never let my right hand know what my left hand does.â His administrative style was often chaotic. He refused to establish clear lines of authority, allowed aides to fight each
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