My Story by Elizabeth J. Hauser Page B

William M. Ivins had approached him on behalf of Tammany Hall and the County Democracy, offering him a seat in Congress sealed, signed and delivered if he would withdraw fromthe mayoralty contest Mr. George said, “If I cannot possibly be elected as you say, why do you want me to withdraw?” And to Mr. Ivins’s reply, “You cannot be elected, but your running will raise hell!” Mr. George rejoined that he did not want to be elected, but he did want to raise hell. It is this, this disregard of self-interest, this indifference to one’s personal fate, this willingness to “raise hell” for the sake of a cause or to give one’s life for it that the world cannot understand. And it is because the world has never understood that men like Henry George in all the ages have had to pay so big a price for just the chance to serve.

VII
THE MONOPOLIST IN CONGRESS
    A MAN of thirty-four at the high tide of a successful business career, learning every day to utilize special privileges to increase his wealth, and satisfying his natural aptitude for mechanics by working on inventions, tied up with numerous partners in big enterprises of various kinds, is somewhat bewildered as to just what his future course of action should be when his civic consciousness first asserts itself — at least this was my case. To all outward appearances, I went along much as before for some time after my conversion to Mr. George’s social philosophy. Then chance sent me off into a new field — one I had not the remotest intention of entering, though nearly all my progenitors of whom there is any historical record had been in it before me. Richard M. Johnson as vice-president of the United States had attained the highest office of any of these, the political activities of the other members of the family taking them into various southern State legislatures, to Congress and making governors of a few.
    It was in the year 1888 while I was up the lakes on a fishing trip that I was nominated for Congress by the Democrats of the twenty-first congressional district of Ohio. In spite of my association with Mr. George and his ambitions for me — or rather for the cause throughme — I was still very indifferent to matters political. I had never voted — a fact let me hasten to add which I never advertised in any of my political campaigns! The nomination was a complete surprise to me and I did not learn of it until after the convention had adjourned. I don’t know to this day why I was nominated. Of course my street railroad battles had brought me somewhat into the public eye and I think the Democratic managers believed that I would be a good spender. Mr. George urged me to accept, and after careful consideration I decided to do so.
    This district was so strongly “protectionist” in sentiment that even the Democrats who had represented it had been protectionists; so the local managers advised me to be very careful in framing my letter of acceptance, saying that if I were not too radical they believed I might win.
    With this warning in mind I was careful — to state my position exactly — and I did it in the following sentences:
    â€œI am, as you all know, in personal belief a free trader and advocate making, as soon as it can be lawfully done, a radical change in the present system of taxation by which change the burden shall be shifted from the products of labor where it now bears heaviest onto the monopoly of natural opportunities to labor. This, I am well aware, is for the future and not yet in present issue. However reluctant and personally diffident I have been and am to enter this campaign of principle as a candidate, I will do everything in my power to bring about a discussion that will demonstrate to the people that in freedom and not in restriction rests the true solution of the great problem of justice to all in bearing common burdens and of special privilege to none at the expense of