times, relatively moderate. Even those who had anticipated anarchy, revolution and terror, had to acknowledge that such had not been the case, although it was clear that the senate was cowed by the triumvirate. Cicero, who had gloomily foreseen the establishment of a dictatorship, was proved incorrect, while the rich found that their wealth had remained relatively unassailed. The people, on the other hand, had benefited comparatively little from the new agrarian law, except some of the poor and, of course, Pompey’s soldiers. On the one side there was probably a feeling of some relief, and on the other some disappointment, but it would take a very long time to improve the condition of the poor and Caesar seems to some extent to have adopted the motto that was to be dear to his successor Octavius/Augustus: “Hasten slowly.” Now that he had held the consulship and could, as it were, proceed no farther in that direction of political power, he looked to the coming years to give him an unassailable power-base. Meanwhile Pompey and Crassus would remain in Rome to uphold the triumvirate. Then, almost as Caesar was about to leave for his province in the north and east, the appointee to the other Gallic province, Narbonese or Transalpine Gaul, suddenly died.
Named after its capital Narbo (Narbonne) this area of southern France had been Romanized for at least fifty years. The great port of Massilia (Marseilles), which had been an early Greek foundation, had been faithful to Rome right through the Hannibalic war and had disseminated Greco-Roman trade and culture for over a century. The Romans had taken it under their protection and using it as a base had gradually infiltrated most of the area of the Rhone valley. Beyond it lay the lowering North: the lands of the untamed Gauls who threatened the Roman province, and beyond that the savage and almost unknown tribes of the Belgians and the Germans. Here was an area quite unlike the civilized regions of the East which Pompey had conquered, and it was here, Caesar felt, that immense gains might be won. (He had to counterbalance his fellow triumvir’s triumphs with something distinctive, something quite new.) Illyricum could wait, while Cisalpine Gaul was quiet enough, and more than useful for manpower in the legions. But north of Narbonese Gaul lay an area of unknown wealth which could provide a singular addition to the empire. It had never figured in history and had been seen by relatively few Romans—merchants and adventurous traders for the most part.
It is evidence of Pompey’s political naivety that, when his fellow triumvir suggested adding Narbonese Gaul to his other proconsular attachments, Pompey was prepared to stand up in the senate and propose that the responsibility for Transalpine Gaul should be added to Caesar’s commands. The senators—even those among them who favored the popular party—were amazed at the idea that this clearly dangerous man should be given even more power, but they were too cowed by the triumvirate to do anything save acquiesce. Only Cato, with his usual intransigence (and his true love of republican principles), was man enough to speak out against the proposal, denouncing Caesar for trading his daughter for the support of Pompey and a further province. He spoke with the voice of an Old Rome that had died with the advent of Empire.
When he left Rome Caesar knew well that his actions both before and during his consulship would provide material for his open enemies—and others—to bring him to book for anything from high treason to graft at all levels. He had endeavored to effect a reconciliation with Cicero by offering him a position as his legate and right-hand man, but Cicero had seen that this would be a betrayal of his principles and his friends and had wisely refused. He did not want to be contaminated, and he knew as well as Caesar that the latter was protected by law only so long as he remained in office. Already there were many signs
Named after its capital Narbo (Narbonne) this area of southern France had been Romanized for at least fifty years. The great port of Massilia (Marseilles), which had been an early Greek foundation, had been faithful to Rome right through the Hannibalic war and had disseminated Greco-Roman trade and culture for over a century. The Romans had taken it under their protection and using it as a base had gradually infiltrated most of the area of the Rhone valley. Beyond it lay the lowering North: the lands of the untamed Gauls who threatened the Roman province, and beyond that the savage and almost unknown tribes of the Belgians and the Germans. Here was an area quite unlike the civilized regions of the East which Pompey had conquered, and it was here, Caesar felt, that immense gains might be won. (He had to counterbalance his fellow triumvir’s triumphs with something distinctive, something quite new.) Illyricum could wait, while Cisalpine Gaul was quiet enough, and more than useful for manpower in the legions. But north of Narbonese Gaul lay an area of unknown wealth which could provide a singular addition to the empire. It had never figured in history and had been seen by relatively few Romans—merchants and adventurous traders for the most part.
It is evidence of Pompey’s political naivety that, when his fellow triumvir suggested adding Narbonese Gaul to his other proconsular attachments, Pompey was prepared to stand up in the senate and propose that the responsibility for Transalpine Gaul should be added to Caesar’s commands. The senators—even those among them who favored the popular party—were amazed at the idea that this clearly dangerous man should be given even more power, but they were too cowed by the triumvirate to do anything save acquiesce. Only Cato, with his usual intransigence (and his true love of republican principles), was man enough to speak out against the proposal, denouncing Caesar for trading his daughter for the support of Pompey and a further province. He spoke with the voice of an Old Rome that had died with the advent of Empire.
When he left Rome Caesar knew well that his actions both before and during his consulship would provide material for his open enemies—and others—to bring him to book for anything from high treason to graft at all levels. He had endeavored to effect a reconciliation with Cicero by offering him a position as his legate and right-hand man, but Cicero had seen that this would be a betrayal of his principles and his friends and had wisely refused. He did not want to be contaminated, and he knew as well as Caesar that the latter was protected by law only so long as he remained in office. Already there were many signs
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