protest; but the prominence of its racial politics overshadowed its equally daring gender themes. Founder Berry Gordy called his shop âthe sound of young America,â and he meant it to be as embracing a slogan as it implied, and not just in the racial and class-conscious sense. In a way, Gordy presided over a family of performers, sorting out its own customs and traditions with its own rules and hierarchies, and with gender conflicts between brothers and sisters, lovers and strangers, discoveries and influences.
With acts as diverse as Smokey Robinson and the Miracles, the Four Tops, the Temptations, and Marvin Gaye, and signal female singers like Mary Wells, Diana Ross, and Martha Reeves, all making music under the same roof, the distinctions between soul (the black market) and pop (everybody) became less and less important. Gordyâs shop understood how white ears responded to black indefatigability as much as black talent clamored for white crossover success.
The gender geometry of Motownâs accomplishment is keener than commonly assumed: white men responded to flirtatious black women just as much as black women responded to flirtatious white men. And in keeping with how Europeans taught Americans how to love black music, the Beatles admired Smokey Robinson at least as much as Dusty Springfield admired Marvin Gaye.
More than any other label in the sixties, Motown aimed itself at gender meritocracy (at least aesthetically), even if Gordy, its patriarch, ran a tight ship. Gordyâs crossover ambitions were manifest: Motownâs men may have been nattily dressed and groomed for success, but their ecstatic singles told of outright sexual delight and pleasure with womenâboth as another metaphor for freedom in the white manâs world and as another leg up on traditional male stereotypes. It was hard to imagine any young man more handsome in song, or more of a gentleman, than Marvin Gaye. And although Motown women wore sky-high beehives, sequins, dinner gloves, heels, and deliciously long eyelashes, they sang for a larger biracial sisterhood, and their songs were often cool put-downs of the male ego (âBack in My Arms Again,â âTwo Wrongs Donât Make a Rightâ).
To be sure, Diana Ross wanted to be a star far more than she wanted to be a feminist. But the pleasure men took in Supremes songs told of the more complex feelings that passed between couples. âCome See About Meâ meant something more than âdrop by when you get lonely,â and âYou Keep Me Hanging Onâ treated love as an addiction that bespoke as much pleasure as dreadâand the insistent beat landed somewhere in between. The Supremesâ hits in particular, while overshadowed by titans like Smokey Robinson, Marvin Gaye, and Stevie Wonder, are generally underrated in the critical canon. The way these Motown men and women regarded each other epitomized the new male-female dialogue in pop, from Eddie Hollandâs âLeaving Here,â to the hits that Smokey Robinson wrote for Mary Wells (âMy Guyâ), to the duets Marvin Gaye sang with Kim Weston (âIt Takes Twoâ) and Tammi Terrell (âYour Precious Love,â âIf I Could Build My World Around You,â âAinât Nothing Like the Real Thing,â and âYouâre All I Need to Get Byâ).
Motownâs gender politics was in keeping with the rhythm-and-blues tradition it siphoned into pop. On the sidelines, the R&B scene was where you heard more about long-term adult relationships, more frank female voices, and more embattled struggle for equality than in mainstream pop. Think of songs like âLetâs Straighten It Outâ by Clarence Carter, which posed an alternative to breaking up, âGood to Meâ by Irma Thomas, âWeâre Gonna Make Itâ by Little Milton, âStay By My Sideâ by Jo Ann Garrett, or âHold On to What Youâve Gotâ by Joe Tex. The
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